Recent work has formulated the task for computational construction grammar as producing a constructicon given a corpus of usage. Previous work has evaluated these unsupervised grammars using both internal metrics (for example, Minimum Description Length) and external metrics (for example, performance on a dialectology task). This paper instead takes a linguistic approach to evaluation, first learning a constructicon and then analyzing its contents from a linguistic perspective. This analysis shows that a learned constructicon can be divided into nine major types of constructions, of which Verbal and Nominal are the most common. The paper also shows that both the token and type frequency of constructions can be used to model variation across registers and dialects.

This paper measures variation in embedding spaces which have been trained on different regional varieties of English while controlling for instability in the embeddings. While previous work has shown that it is possible to distinguish between similar varieties of a language, this paper experiments with two follow-up questions: First, does the variety represented in the training data systematically influence the resulting embedding space after training? This paper shows that differences in embeddings across varieties are significantly higher than baseline instability. Second, is such dialect-based variation spread equally throughout the lexicon? This paper shows that specific parts of the lexicon are particularly subject to variation. Taken together, these experiments confirm that embedding spaces are significantly influenced by the dialect represented in the training data. This finding implies that there is semantic variation across dialects, in addition to previously-studied lexical and syntactic variation.

This paper analyses the degree to which dialect classifiers based on syntactic representations remain stable over space and time. While previous work has shown that the combination of grammar induction and geospatial text classification produces robust dialect models, we do not know what influence both changing grammars and changing populations have on dialect models. This paper constructs a test set for 12 dialects of English that spans three years at monthly intervals with a fixed spatial distribution across 1,120 cities. Syntactic representations are formulated within the usage-based Construction Grammar paradigm (CxG). The decay rate of classification performance for each dialect over time allows us to identify regions undergoing syntactic change. And the distribution of classification accuracy within dialect regions allows us to identify the degree to which the grammar of a dialect is internally heterogeneous. The main contribution of this paper is to show that a rigorous evaluation of dialect classification models can be used to find both variation over space and change over time.

This paper simulates a low-resource setting across 17 languages in order to evaluate embedding similarity, stability, and reliability under different conditions. The goal is to use corpus similarity measures before training to predict properties of embeddings after training. The main contribution of the paper is to show that it is possible to predict downstream embedding similarity using upstream corpus similarity measures. This finding is then applied to low-resource settings by modelling the reliability of embeddings created from very limited training data. Results show that it is possible to estimate the reliability of low-resource embeddings using corpus similarity measures that remain robust on small amounts of data. These findings have significant implications for the evaluation of truly low-resource languages in which such systematic downstream validation methods are not possible because of data limitations.

This paper provides language identification models for low- and under-resourced languages in the Pacific region with a focus on previously unavailable Austronesian languages. Accurate language identification is an important part of developing language resources. The approach taken in this paper combines 29 Austronesian languages with 171 non-Austronesian languages to create an evaluation set drawn from eight data sources. After evaluating six approaches to language identification, we find that a classifier based on skip-gram embeddings reaches a significantly higher performance than alternate methods. We then systematically increase the number of non-Austronesian languages in the model up to a total of 800 languages to evaluate whether an increased language inventory leads to less precise predictions for the Austronesian languages of interest. This evaluation finds that there is only a minimal impact on accuracy caused by increasing the inventory of non-Austronesian languages. Further experiments adapt these language identification models for code-switching detection, achieving high accuracy across all 29 languages.

This paper asks whether a distinction between production-based and perception-based grammar induction influences either (i) the growth curve of grammars and lexicons or (ii) the similarity between representations learned from independent sub-sets of a corpus. A production-based model is trained on the usage of a single individual, thus simulating the grammatical knowledge of a single speaker. A perception-based model is trained on an aggregation of many individuals, thus simulating grammatical generalizations learned from exposure to many different speakers. To ensure robustness, the experiments are replicated across two registers of written English, with four additional registers reserved as a control. A set of three computational experiments shows that production-based grammars are significantly different from perception-based grammars across all conditions, with a steeper growth curve that can be explained by substantial inter-individual grammatical differences.

This paper measures similarity both within and between 84 language varieties across nine languages. These corpora are drawn from digital sources (the web and tweets), allowing us to evaluate whether such geo-referenced corpora are reliable for modelling linguistic variation. The basic idea is that, if each source adequately represents a single underlying language variety, then the similarity between these sources should be stable across all languages and countries. The paper shows that there is a consistent agreement between these sources using frequency-based corpus similarity measures. This provides further evidence that digital geo-referenced corpora consistently represent local language varieties.

This paper measures the impact of increased exposure on whether learned construction grammars converge onto shared representations when trained on data from different registers. Register influences the frequency of constructions, with some structures common in formal but not informal usage. We expect that a grammar induction algorithm exposed to different registers will acquire different constructions. To what degree does increased exposure lead to the convergence of register-specific grammars? The experiments in this paper simulate language learning in 12 languages (half Germanic and half Romance) with corpora representing three registers (Twitter, Wikipedia, Web). These simulations are repeated with increasing amounts of exposure, from 100k to 2 million words, to measure the impact of exposure on the convergence of grammars. The results show that increased exposure does lead to converging grammars across all languages. In addition, a shared core of register-universal constructions remains constant across increasing amounts of exposure.

While text corpora have been steadily increasing in overall size, even very large corpora are not designed to represent global population demographics. For example, recent work has shown that existing English gigaword corpora over-represent inner-circle varieties from the US and the UK. To correct implicit geographic and demographic biases, this paper uses country-level population demographics to guide the construction of gigaword web corpora. The resulting corpora explicitly match the ground-truth geographic distribution of each language, thus equally representing language users from around the world. This is important because it ensures that speakers of under-resourced language varieties (i.e., Indian English or Algerian French) are represented, both in the corpora themselves but also in derivative resources like word embeddings.

Computational measures of linguistic diversity help us understand the linguistic landscape using digital language data. The contribution of this paper is to calibrate measures of linguistic diversity using restrictions on international travel resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic. Previous work has mapped the distribution of languages using geo-referenced social media and web data. The goal, however, has been to describe these corpora themselves rather than to make inferences about underlying populations. This paper shows that a difference-in-differences method based on the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index can identify the bias in digital corpora that is introduced by non-local populations. These methods tell us where significant changes have taken place and whether this leads to increased or decreased diversity. This is an important step in aligning digital corpora like social media with the real-world populations that have produced them.

This paper evaluates global-scale dialect identification for 14 national varieties of English on both web-crawled data and Twitter data. The paper makes three main contributions: (i) introducing data-driven language mapping as a method for selecting the inventory of national varieties to include in the task; (ii) producing a large and dynamic set of syntactic features using grammar induction rather than focusing on a few hand-selected features such as function words; and (iii) comparing models across both web corpora and social media corpora in order to measure the robustness of syntactic variation across registers.

A usage-based Construction Grammar (CxG) posits that slot-constraints generalize from common exemplar constructions. But what is the best model of constraint generalization? This paper evaluates competing frequency-based and association-based models across eight languages using a metric derived from the Minimum Description Length paradigm. The experiments show that association-based models produce better generalizations across all languages by a significant margin.