In this project, we demonstrate that phoneme-based models for speech processing can achieve strong crosslinguistic generalizability to unseen languages. We curated the IPAPACK, a massively multilingual speech corpora with phonemic transcriptions, encompassing more than 115 languages from diverse language families, selectively checked by linguists. Based on the IPAPACK, we propose CLAP-IPA, a multi-lingual phoneme-speech contrastive embedding model capable of open-vocabulary matching between arbitrary speech signals and phonemic sequences. The proposed model was tested on 95 unseen languages, showing strong generalizability across languages. Temporal alignments between phonemes and speech signals also emerged from contrastive training, enabling zeroshot forced alignment in unseen languages. We further introduced a neural forced aligner IPA-ALIGNER by finetuning CLAP-IPA with the Forward-Sum loss to learn better phone-to-audio alignment. Evaluation results suggest that IPA-ALIGNER can generalize to unseen languages without adaptation.

Data augmentation techniques are widely used in low-resource automatic morphological inflection to address the issue of data sparsity. However, the full implications of these techniques remain poorly understood. In this study, we aim to shed light on the theoretical aspects of the data augmentation strategy StemCorrupt, a method that generates synthetic examples by randomly substituting stem characters in existing gold standard training examples. Our analysis uncovers that StemCorrupt brings about fundamental changes in the underlying data distribution, revealing inherent compositional concatenative structure. To complement our theoretical analysis, we investigate the data-efficiency of StemCorrupt. Through evaluation across a diverse set of seven typologically distinct languages, we demonstrate that selecting a subset of datapoints with both high diversity and high predictive uncertainty significantly enhances the data-efficiency of compared to competitive baselines. Furthermore, we explore the impact of typological features on the choice of augmentation strategy and find that languages incorporating non-concatenativity, such as morphonological alternations, derive less benefit from synthetic examples with high predictive uncertainty. We attribute this effect to phonotactic violations induced by StemCorrupt, emphasizing the need for further research to ensure optimal performance across the entire spectrum of natural language morphology.

Recent progress in NLP is driven by pretrained models leveraging massive datasets and has predominantly benefited the world’s political and economic superpowers. Technologically underserved languages are left behind because they lack such resources. Hundreds of underserved languages, nevertheless, have available data sources in the form of interlinear glossed text (IGT) from language documentation efforts. IGT remains underutilized in NLP work, perhaps because its annotations are only semi-structured and often language-specific. With this paper, we make the case that IGT data can be leveraged successfully provided that target language expertise is available. We specifically advocate for collaboration with documentary linguists. Our paper provides a roadmap for successful projects utilizing IGT data: (1) It is essential to define which NLP tasks can be accomplished with the given IGT data and how these will benefit the speech community. (2) Great care and target language expertise is required when converting the data into structured formats commonly employed in NLP. (3) Task-specific and user-specific evaluation can help to ascertain that the tools which are created benefit the target language speech community. We illustrate each step through a case study on developing a morphological reinflection system for the Tsimchianic language Gitksan.

Data augmentation strategies are increasingly important in NLP pipelines for low-resourced and endangered languages, and in neural morphological inflection, augmentation by so called data hallucination is a popular technique. This paper presents a detailed analysis of inflection models trained with and without data hallucination for the low-resourced Canadian Indigenous language Gitksan. Our analysis reveals evidence for a concatenative inductive bias in augmented models—in contrast to models trained without hallucination, they strongly prefer affixing inflection patterns over suppletive ones. We find that preference for affixation in general improves inflection performance in “wug test” like settings, where the model is asked to inflect lexemes missing from the training set. However, data hallucination dramatically reduces prediction accuracy for reduplicative forms due to a misanalysis of reduplication as affixation. While the overall impact of data hallucination for unseen lexemes remains positive, our findings call for greater qualitative analysis and more varied evaluation conditions in testing automatic inflection systems. Our results indicate that further innovations in data augmentation for computational morphology are desirable.

This paper presents a new inflectional resource for Gitksan, a low-resource Indigenous language of Canada. We use Gitksan data in interlinear glossed format, stemming from language documentation efforts, to build a database of partial inflection tables. We then enrich this morphological resource by filling in blank slots in the partial inflection tables using neural transformer reinflection models. We extend the training data for our transformer reinflection models using two data augmentation techniques: data hallucination and back-translation. Experimental results demonstrate substantial improvements from data augmentation, with data hallucination delivering particularly impressive gains. We also release reinflection models for Gitksan.

We adopt an evolutionary view on language change in which cognitive factors (in addition to social ones) affect the fitness of words and their success in the linguistic ecosystem. Specifically, we propose a variety of psycholinguistic factors—semantic, distributional, and phonological—that we hypothesize are predictive of lexical decline, in which words greatly decrease in frequency over time. Using historical data across three languages (English, French, and German), we find that most of our proposed factors show a significant difference in the expected direction between each curated set of declining words and their matched stable words. Moreover, logistic regression analyses show that semantic and distributional factors are significant in predicting declining words. Further diachronic analysis reveals that declining words tend to decrease in the diversity of their lexical contexts over time, gradually narrowing their ‘ecological niches’.