Crosslingual transfer is crucial to contemporary language models’ multilingual capabilities, but how it occurs is not well understood. Weask what happens to a monolingual language model when it begins to be trained on a second language. Specifically, we train small bilingual models for which we control the amount of data for each language and the order of language exposure. To find evidence of shared multilingual representations, we turn to structural priming, a method used to study grammatical representations in humans. We first replicate previous crosslingual structural priming results and find that after controlling for training data quantity and language exposure, there are asymmetrical effects across language pairs and directions. We argue that this asymmetry may shape hypotheses about human structural priming effects. We also find that structural priming effects are less robust for less similar language pairs, highlighting potential limitations of crosslingual transfer learning and shared representations for typologically diverse languages.

Can language models reliably predict that possible events are more likely than merely improbable ones? By teasing apart possibility, typicality, and contextual relatedness, we show that despite the results of previous work, language models’ ability to do this is far from robust. In fact, under certain conditions, all models tested—including Llama 3, Gemma 2, and Mistral NeMo—perform at worse-than-chance level, assigning higher probabilities to impossible sentences such as ‘the car was given a parking ticket by the brake’ than to merely unlikely sentences such as ‘the car was given a parking ticket by the explorer’.

Large language models (LLMs) have exhibited certain indirect pragmatic capabilities, including interpreting indirect requests and non-literal meanings. Yet, it is unclear whether the success of LLMs on pragmatic tasks generalizes to phenomena that directly probe inferences about the beliefs of others. Indeed, LLMs’ performance on Theory of Mind (ToM) tasks is mixed. To date, the most successful computationally explicit approach to making inferences about others’ beliefs is the Rational Speech Act (RSA) framework, a Bayesian probabilistic model that encodes explicit representations of beliefs. In the present study, we ask whether LLMs outperform RSA in predicting human belief inferences, even though they do not explicitly encode belief representations. We focus specifically on projection inferences, a type of inference that directly probes belief attribution. We find that some LLMs are sensitive to factors that affect the inference process similarly to humans, yet there remains variance in human behavior not fully captured by LLMs. The RSA model, on the other hand, outperforms LLMs in capturing the variances in human data, suggesting that explicit belief representation might be necessary to construct human-like projection inferences.

Transformer language models have received widespread public attention, yet their generated text is often surprising even to NLP researchers. In this survey, we discuss over 250 recent studies of English language model behavior before task-specific fine-tuning. Language models possess basic capabilities in syntax, semantics, pragmatics, world knowledge, and reasoning, but these capabilities are sensitive to specific inputs and surface features. Despite dramatic increases in generated text quality as models scale to hundreds of billions of parameters, the models are still prone to unfactual responses, commonsense errors, memorized text, and social biases. Many of these weaknesses can be framed as over-generalizations or under-generalizations of learned patterns in text. We synthesize recent results to highlight what is currently known about large language model capabilities, thus providing a resource for applied work and for research in adjacent fields that use language models.

Multilingual language models are widely used to extend NLP systems to low-resource languages. However, concrete evidence for the effects of multilinguality on language modeling performance in individual languages remains scarce. Here, we pre-train over 10,000 monolingual and multilingual language models for over 250 languages, including multiple language families that are under-studied in NLP. We assess how language modeling performance in each language varies as a function of (1) monolingual dataset size, (2) added multilingual dataset size, (3) linguistic similarity of the added languages, and (4) model size (up to 45M parameters). We find that in moderation, adding multilingual data improves low-resource language modeling performance, similar to increasing low-resource dataset sizes by up to 33%. Improvements depend on the syntactic similarity of the added multilingual data, with marginal additional effects of vocabulary overlap. However, high-resource languages consistently perform worse in multilingual pre-training scenarios. As dataset sizes increase, adding multilingual data begins to hurt performance for both low-resource and high-resource languages, likely due to limited model capacity (the “curse of multilinguality”). These results suggest that massively multilingual pre-training may not be optimal for any languages involved, but that more targeted models can significantly improve performance.

We evaluated GPT-4 in a public online Turing test. The best-performing GPT-4 prompt passed in 49.7% of games, outperforming ELIZA (22%) and GPT-3.5 (20%), but falling short of the baseline set by human participants (66%). Participants’ decisions were based mainly on linguistic style (35%) and socioemotional traits (27%), supporting the idea that intelligence, narrowly conceived, is not sufficient to pass the Turing test. Participant knowledge about LLMs and number of games played positively correlated with accuracy in detecting AI, suggesting learning and practice as possible strategies to mitigate deception. Despite known limitations as a test of intelligence, we argue that the Turing test continues to be relevant as an assessment of naturalistic communication and deception. AI models with the ability to masquerade as humans could have widespread societal consequences, and we analyse the effectiveness of different strategies and criteria for judging humanlikeness.

How do language models learn to make predictions during pre-training? To study this, we extract learning curves from five autoregressive English language model pre-training runs, for 1M unseen tokens in context. We observe that the language models generate short repetitive phrases before learning to generate longer and more coherent text. We also find that individual tokens often exhibit sudden increases or decreases in loss that are surprisingly consistent across pre-training runs. To better understand these fluctuations, we quantify the final surprisal, within-run variability, age of acquisition, forgettability, and cross-run variability of learning curves for individual tokens in context. More frequent tokens reach lower final surprisals, exhibit less variability within and across pre-training runs, are learned earlier, and are less likely to be “forgotten” during pre-training. Higher n-gram probabilities further accentuate these effects. Independent of the target token, shorter and more frequent contexts correlate with marginally more stable and quickly acquired predictions. Based on our results, we argue for the existence of sequential learning dependencies between different model capabilities, and we characterize language model learning as early n-gram learning before gradual refinement of tail n-gram predictions.

Abstract grammatical knowledge—of parts of speech and grammatical patterns—is key to the capacity for linguistic generalization in humans. But how abstract is grammatical knowledge in large language models? In the human literature, compelling evidence for grammatical abstraction comes from structural priming. A sentence that shares the same grammatical structure as a preceding sentence is processed and produced more readily. Because confounds exist when using stimuli in a single language, evidence of abstraction is even more compelling from crosslingual structural priming, where use of a syntactic structure in one language primes an analogous structure in another language. We measure crosslingual structural priming in large language models, comparing model behavior to human experimental results from eight crosslingual experiments covering six languages, and four monolingual structural priming experiments in three non-English languages. We find evidence for abstract monolingual and crosslingual grammatical representations in the models that function similarly to those found in humans. These results demonstrate that grammatical representations in multilingual language models are not only similar across languages, but they can causally influence text produced in different languages.

How well do language models deal with quantification? In this study, we focus on ‘few’-type quantifiers, as in ‘few children like toys’, which might pose a particular challenge for language models because the sentence components with out the quantifier are likely to co-occur, and ‘few’-type quantifiers are rare. We present 960 English sentence stimuli from two human neurolinguistic experiments to 22 autoregressive transformer models of differing sizes. Not only do all the models perform poorly on ‘few’-type quantifiers, but overall the larger the model, the worse its performance. This inverse scaling is consistent with previous work suggesting that larger models increasingly reflect online rather than offline human processing, and we argue that the decreasing performance of larger models may challenge uses of language models as the basis for natural language systems.

Does inverse scaling only occur as a function of model size, or can it also occur over the course of training? We carry out an exploratory study investigating whether the performance of language models on specific tasks can decrease (while general performance remains high) during training on the language modeling task. We find 8 tasks on which Pythia 12B (Biderman et al., 2023) shows decreased performance over the course of training. Five of these tasks (TruthfulQA-MC1, TruthfulQA-MC2, Hindsight Neglect, Memo Trap, and Pattern Match Suppression) additionally show a consistent relationship whereby larger language models show a greater decrease in performance the more they are trained, despite showing standard (positive) scaling overall. This highlights the importance of testing performance at all relevant benchmarks any time models are trained on additional data, even if their overall performance improves.

Some languages allow arguments to be omitted in certain contexts. Yet human language comprehenders reliably infer the intended referents of these zero pronouns, in part because they construct expectations about which referents are more likely. We ask whether Neural Language Models also extract the same expectations. We test whether 12 contemporary language models display expectations that reflect human behavior when exposed to sentences with zero pronouns from five behavioral experiments conducted in Italian by Carminati (2005). We find that three models - XGLM 2.9B, 4.5B, and 7.5B - capture the human behavior from all the experiments, with others successfully modeling some of the results. This result suggests that human expectations about coreference can be derived from exposure to language, and also indicates features of language models that allow them to better reflect human behavior.

Are the predictions of humans and language models affected by similar things? Research suggests that while comprehending language, humans make predictions about upcoming words, with more predictable words being processed more easily. However, evidence also shows that humans display a similar processing advantage for highly anomalous words when these words are semantically related to the preceding context or to the most probable continuation. Using stimuli from 3 psycholinguistic experiments, we find that this is also almost always also the case for 8 contemporary transformer language models (BERT, ALBERT, RoBERTa, XLM-R, GPT-2, GPT-Neo, GPT-J, and XGLM). We then discuss the implications of this phenomenon for our understanding of both human language comprehension and the predictions made by language models.

We assess how multilingual language models maintain a shared multilingual representation space while still encoding language-sensitive information in each language. Using XLM-R as a case study, we show that languages occupy similar linear subspaces after mean-centering, evaluated based on causal effects on language modeling performance and direct comparisons between subspaces for 88 languages. The subspace means differ along language-sensitive axes that are relatively stable throughout middle layers, and these axes encode information such as token vocabularies. Shifting representations by language means is sufficient to induce token predictions in different languages. However, we also identify stable language-neutral axes that encode information such as token positions and part-of-speech. We visualize representations projected onto language-sensitive and language-neutral axes, identifying language family and part-of-speech clusters, along with spirals, toruses, and curves representing token position information. These results demonstrate that multilingual language models encode information along orthogonal language-sensitive and language-neutral axes, allowing the models to extract a variety of features for downstream tasks and cross-lingual transfer learning.

We investigate how neural language models acquire individual words during training, extracting learning curves and ages of acquisition for over 600 words on the MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory (Fenson et al., 2007). Drawing on studies of word acquisition in children, we evaluate multiple predictors for words’ ages of acquisition in LSTMs, BERT, and GPT-2. We find that the effects of concreteness, word length, and lexical class are pointedly different in children and language models, reinforcing the importance of interaction and sensorimotor experience in child language acquisition. Language models rely far more on word frequency than children, but, like children, they exhibit slower learning of words in longer utterances. Interestingly, models follow consistent patterns during training for both unidirectional and bidirectional models, and for both LSTM and Transformer architectures. Models predict based on unigram token frequencies early in training, before transitioning loosely to bigram probabilities, eventually converging on more nuanced predictions. These results shed light on the role of distributional learning mechanisms in children, while also providing insights for more human-like language acquisition in language models.

We investigate the extent to which word surprisal can be used to predict a neural measure of human language processing difficulty—the N400. To do this, we use recurrent neural networks to calculate the surprisal of stimuli from previously published neurolinguistic studies of the N400. We find that surprisal can predict N400 amplitude in a wide range of cases, and the cases where it cannot do so provide valuable insight into the neurocognitive processes underlying the response.