Large language models are often compared to human learners based on the amount of training data required or the end state capabilities of a learner, yet less attention has been given to differences in their language learning process. This study uses determiner acquisition as a case study to characterize how LLMs and children differ in their learning processes. By analyzing annotated speech samples from specified age ranges of four children and intermediate training checkpoints of the Pythia-70m language model, we trace the learners’ learning paths of definite and indefinite determiner use. Our results reveal a divergence: the children first produce the indefinite determiner, while the model first produces the definite determiner. This difference reflects underlying differences in the learning goals and mechanisms of models and children. Framing language learning as movement over distributions of linguistic features makes the learning process visible and offers an alternative approach for comparing humans and language models.

State of the art models in automatic speech recognition have shown remarkable improvements due to modern self-supervised (SSL) transformer-based architectures such as wav2vec 2.0 (Baevski et al., 2020). However, how these models encode phonetic information is still not well understood. We explore whether SSL speech models display a linguistic property that characterizes human speech perception: language specificity. We show that while wav2vec 2.0 displays an overall language specificity effect when tested on Hindi vs. English, it does not resemble human speech perception when tested on finer-grained differences in Hindi speech contrasts.

Non-native speakers show difficulties with spoken word processing. Many studies attribute these difficulties to imprecise phonological encoding of words in the lexical memory. We test an alternative hypothesis: that some of these difficulties can arise from the non-native speakers’ phonetic perception. We train a computational model of phonetic learning, which has no access to phonology, on either one or two languages. We first show that the model exhibits predictable behaviors on phone-level and word-level discrimination tasks. We then test the model on a spoken word processing task, showing that phonology may not be necessary to explain some of the word processing effects observed in non-native speakers. We run an additional analysis of the model’s lexical representation space, showing that the two training languages are not fully separated in that space, similarly to the languages of a bilingual human speaker.

Language acquisition can be modeled as a statistical inference problem: children use sentences and sounds in their input to infer linguistic structure. However, in many cases, children learn from data whose statistical structure is distorted relative to the language they are learning. Such distortions can arise either in the input itself, or as a result of children’s immature strategies for encoding their input. This work examines several cases in which the statistical structure of children’s input differs from the language being learned. Analyses show that these distortions of the input can be accounted for with a statistical learning framework by carefully considering the inference problems that learners solve during language acquisition

We introduce a method for measuring the correspondence between low-level speech features and human perception, using a cognitive model of speech perception implemented directly on speech recordings. We evaluate two speaker normalization techniques using this method and find that in both cases, speech features that are normalized across speakers predict human data better than unnormalized speech features, consistent with previous research. Results further reveal differences across normalization methods in how well each predicts human data. This work provides a new framework for evaluating low-level representations of speech on their match to human perception, and lays the groundwork for creating more ecologically valid models of speech perception.

How do children learn a verb’s argument structure when their input contains nonbasic clauses that obscure verb transitivity? Here we present a new model that infers verb transitivity by learning to filter out non-basic clauses that were likely parsed in error. In simulations with child-directed speech, we show that this model accurately categorizes the majority of 50 frequent transitive, intransitive and alternating verbs, and jointly learns appropriate parameters for filtering parsing errors. Our model is thus able to filter out problematic data for verb learning without knowing in advance which data need to be filtered.